CVK Sivagnanam Closes the Circle That S.J.V. Chelvanayakam Opened

CVK Sivagnanam Closes the Circle That S.J.V. Chelvanayakam Opened


Share this post

In Eelam Tamil politics, few words have caused as much damage—or claimed as many lives—as the word “traitor.” And it was S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, founder of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (Federal Party) in 1949, who first slipped this venom into the bloodstream of Tamil political discourse.

V. Nalliah Master

Until then, the Tamil Congress and its leader G.G. Ponnambalam had struggled to make in roads in the East. They remained a northern force—Jaffna-centric, both in character and reach.

In the East, the man of the moment was V. Nalliah Master—a respected leader who served as Deputy Minister for education, health, and postal services. But to plant the Federal Party’s flag in the East, Chelvanayakam launched a smear campaign, branding Nalliah as a “kaikkooli” (a political stooge)—someone blindly loyal to the Sinhalese-led government.

Stage by stage, rally by rally, the insult echoed across the East. And only after bringing Nalliah master down did the Federal Party finally step into the region.

S.J.V. Chelvanayakam

Years later, Chelvanayakam’s political heir A. Amirthalingam would refine the rhetoric. “Kaikkooli” wasn’t sharp enough. He needed a word with blood on its edge. And so, “traitor” entered the lexicon—with Alfred Duraiappah,

ITAK Acting President C.V.K. Sivagnanam with EPDP Leader Douglas Devananda, after their meeting at EPDP’s office in Jaffna.

Amirthalingam’s rival in Jaffna, as its first public victim. That word became a bullet— fired by a young Velupillai Prabhakaran, barely in his twenties.

What began as a slur soon evolved into an ideology. Prabhakaran used the label “traitor” not merely to justify assassinations, but to silence dissent, dismantle rival militant movements, and consolidate Tamil nationalist power under the LTTE. In a grim twist of fate, he would eventually turn the gun on Amirthalingam himself—the very man who first taught him to see Duraiappah as a traitor. Thus was born a politics of moral absolutism— where to disagree was to betray, and to betray was to die.

No one has worn the label “traitor” more often than Douglas Devananda. For decades, Tamil nationalist media hurled the word at him with unrelenting force. Yet, for all the LTTE’s reach and firepower, they never managed to silence “traitor Douglas.” Nor could they ever claim the satisfaction of having done so.

And now, history turns a curious corner.

The party that first unleashed this rhetoric the Federal Party—must now be the one to bury it. And the man leading that quiet burial is none other than C.V.K. Sivagnanam, Acting Leader of the party and once a trusted figure in the eyes of Prabhakaran himself.

By walking into Douglas Devananda’s office in Jaffna-by asking for his support to form local government bodies-Sivagnanam did more than strike a political deal. He challenged a legacy. He stepped into the shadow of Chelvanayakam and began the long, painful work of undoing the curse his party had cast.

What Chelvanayakam began, Sivagnanam is now trying to end. In doing so, in his own quiet way, he is seeking to wash away the sins of his party, the legacy of his political ancestors, and the bloodstains they left behind.

Destiny, it seems, has its own strange rhythm.


Share this post

Be the first to know

Join our community and get notified about upcoming stories

Subscribing...
You've been subscribed!
Something went wrong
Trincomalee Site Long Linked to Wartime-Era Abductions Is Sealed

Trincomalee Site Long Linked to Wartime-Era Abductions Is Sealed

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — Sri Lanka’s Criminal Investigation Department has sealed an underground detention facility inside the Trincomalee Navy Camp, a site long known as the “Gun Site,” in a major development in one of the country’s most disturbing unresolved disappearance investigations. The Trincomalee magistrate is expected to visit the site for an official inspection, a step investigators believe could help preserve evidence and clarify how the facility was used during the final years of Sri L


Our Reporter

Our Reporter

‘I’d Rather Die’: Ex-Spy Chief Refuses to End Hunger Strike or Return to CID Cell

‘I’d Rather Die’: Ex-Spy Chief Refuses to End Hunger Strike or Return to CID Cell

By M.R. Narayan Swamy Sri Lanka’s former intelligence chief Suresh Sallay, detailed for alleged links with Islamists who unleashed the Easter bombings in 2019, refuses to give up his indefinite hunger strike or return to CID custody, which he dubs a “hellhole”. Sallay made this clear to his lawyer, who called on him at the National Hospital in Colombo, where he was admitted on June 7, two days after he launched a fast in protest against his degrading treatment, his wife Manori said on Tuesday.


M.R. Narayan Swamy

M.R. Narayan Swamy

A Day After His Uncle Sought Shelter From Arrest, Mahinda Rajapaksa's Son Is Detained

A Day After His Uncle Sought Shelter From Arrest, Mahinda Rajapaksa's Son Is Detained

COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — A day after former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa asked a court to block his possible arrest under Sri Lanka’s anti-terrorism law, another member of the country’s once-dominant political dynasty was taken into custody. Yoshitha Rajapaksa, the second son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, was arrested on Wednesday by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption after appearing before investigators in connection with a probe into his recruitment and tr


Our Reporter

Our Reporter

One Country, Different Rules: A Family Card Required Only in Sri Lanka’s North.

One Country, Different Rules: A Family Card Required Only in Sri Lanka’s North.

MULLAITIVU, Sri Lanka — For many families across Sri Lanka’s Northern Province, a document known as the 'Family Card' plays a central role in their dealings with the state. Residents say it is routinely required to collect Samurdhi welfare benefits, apply for housing under government schemes, and obtain certificates from village officers. In practice, they say, the card must be carried much like a national identity card. Yet the document is largely unknown outside the former war zone. According


Our Reporter

Our Reporter